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[] Bush Rede vor der NATO -

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Werte Liste,

es wäre ein Irrtum, nur der - wie immer man sie beurteilen möge - intellektuellen Kompetenz des gegenwärtigen US-Präsidenten zuschreiben zu wollen, was sich hier momentan abspielt. Es ist ein wirklicher Paradigmenwechsel, wenn zum x-ten Mal in kurzer Zeit von Vertretern dieser Regierung, "Cyberterrorismus" und "informational warfare" in einem Atemzug der Bedrohung durch Kernwaffen, biologische Waffen und ballistische Raketen genannt wird. 


Georg Schöfbänker
Updated: 13-Jun-2001 NATO Speeches 

NATO Speech: NATO HQ - 13 June 2001 - Excerpted remarks by US President  George W. Bush to the North Atlantic Council

At the Meeting 
of the North
Atlantic Council

13 June 2001

Excerpted remarks to the North Atlantic Council

by US President George W. Bush 

Thank you, Mr. Secretary General. Earlier, I outlined my broad vision of where I believe our Alliance must head. Now I would like to spend a few more minutes discussing five challenges that I believe we must meet in order to make that vision real. 

First, we must change our thinking to meet the demands of a new age. The Cold War is over; the Soviet Union is gone; and so is the nuclear balance of terror. But the world faces new kinds of threats. A growing number of countries, including some of the world's least responsible states, are developing nuclear, biological, and chemical weapons and some already possess the technology for ballistic missiles to deliver them. Others are developing new capabilities to conduct cyber terrorism. We must work together to deter and address all these unconventional threats. 

To do this we must reassess old assumptions. Today, the 1972 ABM Treaty constrains us from learning what is technologically possible to meet the challenges of this new era. That Treaty codified a nuclear balance between two hostile superpowers. Today, Russia is not our enemy, and I believe Russia should be a partner to address these new challenges. 

So I ask for your understanding and support as we take forward needed research and development on systems that could protect us all from WMD threats. I ask for your trust when I pledge to consult with you at every stage. I ask you to help me persuade Vladimir Putin to think differently and to join us in meeting this deadly new threat. 

We have a common interest in making a smooth transition from the ABM Treaty to a new security framework for a new century. Instead of basing our security on our ability to destroy millions of civilians, I want to move toward greater non-proliferation and counter-proliferation efforts, decreased reliance on offensive weapons, limited but effective defenses, and greater transparency so responsible nations can have greater levels of confidence. 

I am firmly committed to missile defense as part of this new framework, Missile defense adds to deterrence in the contemporary world. 

Russia has recognized a weapons of mass destruction threat to Europe. Cooperative work on a new strategic framework can now be a great task that brings NATO and Russia together. 

Our second challenge is to reach out to Russia's leaders, and to a new Russian generation, with a message that Russia does have a future with Europe and with us, if it chooses. But to be our partner, Moscow must accept its responsibilities to democracy, freedom, and peaceful relations with its neighbors. At the same time, we must also strengthen our cooperation with Ukraine and other members of the Partnership for Peace. 

Our third challenge is to maintain our strength. All of us must make the hard budgetary decisions to provide for the mobile, flexible, and capable forces to face down any future adversary. And we must tear down the barriers to defense industrial cooperation on both sides of the Atlantic. It isn't a question of "buy American" or "buy European," We must create conditions for us all to "buy trans-Atlantic" - to build a market in which North American and European companies can collaborate to produce the most advanced systems at the lowest cost. 

We can strengthen trans-Atlantic security through another important initiative, as well: the EU's Security and Defense Policy. The United States would welcome a capable European force, properly integrated with NATO, that provides new options for handling crises when NATO chooses not to lead. Such a force will require EU members to provide the resources necessary to create real capabilities, without waste or duplication. And such a force must be inclusive, so that all allies who wish to contribute are as fully involved as possible. Our security is indivisible. So must be our cooperation in this effort. 


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