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[infowar.de] MSNBC 21.03.03: Psyops employed to sap Iraqi spirit
Infowar.de, http://userpage.fu-berlin.de/~bendrath/liste.html
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http://www.msnbc.com/news/888693.asp?0cb=-21c133692#BODY
Psyops employed to sap Iraqi spirit
Unconventional tactics win time, are integral part of U.S. push
ANALYSIS
By Michael Moran
MSNBC
NEW YORK, March 21 Even as massive airstrikes pummeled downtown Baghdad
Friday, formally ushering in what the Pentagon termed its "shock and awe"
campaign, many analysts argued that the enduring legacy of this war may not
be the use of bombs but the implementation of psychological warfare or
psyops to quickly convince both Saddam Hussein's lieutenants and his army
that resistance was futile.
INSTEAD OF delivering the quick and devastating blow promised by the
Pentagon in the days leading up to the actual conflict, the war began with
a series of careful escalations, laced with feints and deception, all
intended to obviate the need for protracted airstrikes and ground combat.
"This is kinetic psyops," said Gen. Michael Short, who commanded the air
campaign during Kosovo campaign. "It's all designed to break Saddam's
will." Rumors of Saddam's death and Iraqi Foreign Minister Tariq Aziz's
defection, leaks about high-level surrender talks with Republican Guard
units, 17 million leaflets dumped over Iraqi lines that warned Iraqi
soldiers of certain death if they fight all fed into a broad psychological
warfare campaign.
"The confusion of Iraqi forces is growing," Defense Secretary Donald
Rumsfeld said following Friday's bombing, adding that Iraq's deteriorating
position was causing its military to "change its behavior." U.S. officials
have carefully cultivated this confusion, understandably reluctant to knock
down any rumor that might sow confusion inside Saddam's inner circle, and
thus advance the aim of regime change. "I think that the rumor mill, like
the overt coverage the military is letting out, is very much being used to
put the Iraqi regime on edge," says William Arkin, an NBC News analyst and
authority on information warfare. "Just look at what the Iraqi News Agency
and Iraqi officials are saying. It is extraordinary that they confirmed
that one of Saddam's homes was hit in the air raid, and that his wife and
daughters were safe. When's the last time you remember the Iraqi News
Agency even mentioning that Saddam has a wife and three daughters?"
Perhaps the most obvious instance of efforts to sow psychological doubt
throughout the Iraqi leadership was Rumsfeld's opening remarks at his
Tuesday briefing, during which he appeared to be speaking directly to
officers of the Iraqi military. "You will have a place in a free Iraq if
you do the right thing," Rumsfeld said. "But if you follow Saddam Hussein's
orders, you will share his fate. And the choice is yours." Rumsfeld went on
to note that the United States was engaged in conversations "with officials
of the [Iraqi] military at various levels the regular army, the Special
Republican, the Republican Guard, the Special Republican Guard who are
increasingly aware that it's going to happen: He's going to be gone."
GETTING IRAQ'S ATTENTION Gen. Norman Schwarzkopf, the retired commander of
the first Gulf War coalition, says the war so far clearly has been planned
to maximize the psychological advantage that flows from overwhelming
military power. He described the first airstrikes as efforts to "get Iraq's
attention." More intensive airstrikes beginning Friday, he said, would be
another phase in the same effort. "Now that we've got your attention,
here's what you're up against," the general said. Indeed, even the
television images of U.S. and British mechanized troops charging into
Iraq toting with them dozens of international news correspondents serve
the large war aim. Officials at U.S. Central Command in Qatar, from where
Gen. Tommy Franks is running the war, understand that the images of this
massive, unopposed advance through Iraq are playing a role in the thinking
of every Iraqi division and company commander. White House and CENTCOM
officials told NBC News that lack of formal briefings so far can be taken
as an indication that the administration is quite content with what the
news media's coverage is doing for their war message. "The lack of
briefings is no mistake, and in fact is causing some friction with the
Brits," says one military officer, who asked to remain anonymous. "The plan
is working, and the sense here is, why fix something that is not broken."
PHASE TWO
Beyond the highly visible efforts to shatter the confidence of the Iraqi
military and leadership, a more secretive and deliberate effort is underway
to marry psyops with action on the ground. These operations, officials
said, are carefully planned and calibrated to shock, if not awe, Iraqi
forces into realizing their defensive efforts are futile. Neither Pentagon
officials nor U.S. military officers would discuss such efforts, and few
outside the highest levels of the U.S. and CENTCOM command structure would
even know about them. Such joint psyops/special ops mission are run by
Special Technical Operations cells, or "STOs." These cells are responsible
for coordinating traditional warfare with newer modes of combat from
information warfare to espionage, psychological warfare, sabotage and other
special weapons. An STO cell now exists in each major combat command,
including CENTCOM, coordinated by a high-level panel of the U.S. Joint
Chiefs of Staff. A typical mission might involve U.S. warplanes targeting a
business or facility that while of little military value is of high
emotional value to Saddam or his family. Another variation might include
covert operations to snatch relatives, to destroy a getaway aircraft, or to
heist large caches of Saddam's wealth. "We don't see what the STO and
covert forces are doing," Arkin said. "What we can see on the surface,
though, is that clearly this is a very accelerated psyops campaign, and
that psyops has become an integrated part of the war plan."
NEW CREDIBILITY
If this is true, it marks a departure. Traditionally, regular military
officers have dismissed psyops as a distraction "amateur hour," as one
officer involved in the first Gulf War put it. Much as regular army
officers were suspicious of elite special operation units, they saw any
devotion of resources to psychological warfare as little more than a waste
of time. Further, psyops units carry none of the glamour associated with
elite SEAL and Green Beret units. Indeed, if anything, psyops is associated
in the public mind with the largely unsuccessful effort to "win hearts and
minds" in Vietnam. This began to change during the 1999 Kosovo war. There,
U.S. psyops warriors ran a series of feints and harassment missions
designed to shake the resolve of the Serbian regime of Slobodan Milosevic.
As most U.S. and NATO air units concentrated on hitting military targets
throughout Serbia and its Kosovo province, a select few missions targeted
"leadership" facilities to drive home the point that the Milosevic
family and the corrupt family business would not be spared. Still, the
mission did not, in the end, undermine the Milosevic regime. Leaflets
designed to convince Serb units to surrender turned out to be laughably
translated, and by the end of the war, Gen. Wesley Clark, the campaign's
overall commander, dismissed them as "a joke." No one is laughing now.
Saddam may still hold his ground, and the Republican Guard may still choose
to fight. But it is clear that the psyops campaign is woven into the very
fabric of this war.
MSNBC.com's Michael Moran is senior producer of special projects.
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